BOYCOTT HETEROSEXIST MARRIAGE !
By D.M. Dismore
AFeminist@aol.com
Is it possible, in good conscience, to take advantage of something
given you as a result of bigotry if you personally think that
form of bigotry is totally wrong ? It sounds like a simple enough
question, but thinking about the answer led me to a surprising
realization of what the unavoidable logical consequences of "no"
meant in terms of the fight against homophobia, and my own responsibility
in that continuing battle.
With most Americans favoring anti-discrimination laws in regard
to employment and housing for gays and lesbians, hate crime legislation
on the books in an impressive roster of cities and states, and
overt expressions of bias now considered unfashionable, it's easy
to think that all those of us in the heterosexual community need
do is applaud great progress, attend a few more rallies, sign
another petition or two, and keep showing our support in all the
easy, conventional ways as the assault against homophobia winds
down to a victorious conclusion. But that's exactly the mistake
the Falwells and Robertsons of the world are hoping we'll make.
The end of homophobia is neither imminent nor inevitable, and
those of us traditionally given unsought benefits from heterosexism
have a unique and important role to play in the next phase of
the struggle.
Actions speak louder than words, and few actions speak more
forcefully than the giving up of privilege, or making a personal
sacrifice in the name of a principle. So, though the war against
homophobia is being waged on many fronts by many groups, it's
time for some members of the heterosexual community to make, by
our actions, the most powerful statement possible in regard to
our repudiation of heterosexism by confronting its most conspicuous
expression.
Nowhere is the immorality of giving or denying rights based
on an ancient bigotry more ingrained in our society than in regard
to heterosexism and marriage. Though by no means do all people
of heterosexual or homosexual orientation desire to be married
- many take understandable pride in rejecting its conformity,
and traditions based on stereotyped roles - the fact that ALL
members of the former group are strongly urged to become part
of this "vital institution," while ALL those in the latter group
are legally barred from it provides daily proof of society's endorsement
of second-class citizenship for those not born to heterosexual
privilege.
The problem with principles is that they don't allow much "wiggle
room." Either you do - or don't - believe that two groups of people
should be treated equally. Either you are - or are not - willing
to act in a manner fully consistent with that view. So, there's
an obvious - if quite unintentional - degree of hypocrisy involved
when anyone who opposes discrimination based on sexual orientation
gleefully plans to embrace an institution which continues to celebrate,
sanctify, and legally reward the practice of such prejudice.
If a present-day Caucasian suddenly found themselves transported
back in time to a Montgomery, Alabama bus stop in 1955, they would
be presented a tough, but clear moral choice. They could board
the bus, and begin the process of taking advantage of the many
privileges and rights arbitrarily given them for no reason other
than an unchosen characteristic of birth, or they could begin
rejecting all such favoritism with a public declaration that "I
don't ride until EVERYONE is seated on an equal basis," even though
such a statement would come at great personal cost.
Thankfully, such racist choices are no longer with us, because
the idea of arbitrarily allocating rights on the basis of race
is now thoroughly discredited. But "heterosexist privilege" is
still rampant, despite having no more of a moral foundation than
"Caucasian privilege," and is most overtly embodied in the legal
definition of marriage. So, the question I would like to pose
is: If you had been a "Caucasian of conscience" living in 1950's
America, would you like to think that you would have had the courage
and moral certitude to reject all favoritism given you in order
to bring about a society in which all races are treated equally
? Then as a non-homophobic heterosexual, do you NOW have the courage
to forego all the rights and privileges given you by a heterosexist
society to help bring about a world in which the gender of one's
partner is as irrelevant to civil marriage as their race ? If
so, then a public statement to make any future pledge of love
to a partner using only those options available to same-sex couples
(commitment ceremonies, domestic partner registrations, etc.),
might create the kind of consciousness-raising exercise that would
be useful to those on the "front lines" of this struggle.
True, all forms of bigotry are different. Racism is not the
same as heterosexism, heterosexism isn't the same as sexism, and
sexism isn't the same as anti-Semitism. But all forms of prejudice
still need to be fought, and one way to do that is by showing
a basic similarity : The idea that "we," because of an inherent
characteristic of birth, should be automatically entitled to things
"they" are not. Of course, since most people ( possibly even yourself...
) believe that "marriage is different" I'm certainly open to any
logical reasons why this institution should stay for heterosexuals
only. But whatever objective, non-theological standards you use
which exclude all same-sex couples from marriage must also be
uniformly applied to all mixed-sex couples as well. ( So, no denying
a marriage license to a same-sex couple because they can't create
a child together, then happily issuing one to that nice 70-year-old
heterosexual couple, etc. )
Though the fight against any form of bigotry will always be
led by those who directly suffer from it, that doesn't give everyone
else freedom from a moral responsibility to join the fight and
do what they can. And the impact of even a small number of people
in a "favored" class denouncing favoritism is considerable. If
thousands of women protest the Augusta National Golf Club's male-only
membership policy, the demonstration would hopefully get a bit
of publicity and raise some consciousness among the public, but
probably have little if any effect on the club itself. But should
ONE MEMBER walk out of the clubhouse, join the picketers, and
announce that he would not be re-entering the gates of the club
until women were admitted on the same basis as men, not only would
this make the story the lead item on the nightly news, it would
have a meaningful effect on the other members. No longer could
all protesters be casually dismissed as people acting out of antagonism
or self-interest. No more could the issue of sexism be considered
something only "those people" care about. If one of their own
self-selected elite could reject prestige for principle, then
inevitably it becomes a principle the other club members would
have to take more seriously.
This essay is not an attack on marriage, an institution which
in a single generation has made remarkable strides toward becoming
a more equal, far less patriarchal institution. It is solely an
assault on the arbitrary way in which the law allocates a privilege
and the many substantial legal benefits which go with it. So,
"principle" is no justification for avoiding forms of lifelong
commitment which do not require state sanction, nor should it
be viewed as yet ANOTHER excuse for divorce. I want to expand
and reform the institution, not further weaken it. And, as far
as I can tell, our ultra-high divorce rate hasn't had any impact
on making it easier for same-sex couples to marry, though turning
a marriage license into something with the longevity and durability
of a Kleenex has decreased overly pompous references to its "sanctity."
( This also isn't a call for anyone to boycott other people's
weddings. Sharing joy and showing support for love and commitment
is inherently good - and since no legal rights or privileges whatsoever
are bestowed on the guests, regardless of sexual orientation,
this role is already one of "equal opportunity" to splurge on
a gift. )
But this DEFINITELY concerns single people having a unique opportunity
to take a stand for equality. We can still make a public pledge
that should we meet someone with whom we would wish to share the
rest of our life, we will make that commitment in a way which
is totally consistent with our principles, employing nothing that
is prohibited to same-sex couples.
Yes, I know "conventional wisdom" teaches activists that the
way to make progress is slowly, and incrementally, by asking for
repeal of one small injustice at a time, beginning with the least
controversial. If you cut a pie into enough slices, you can eventually
get the public to consume it all. Even mentioning "gay marriage"
is allegedly counterproductive, with support for that still a
small, minority view, so the less said about it the better. However,
the opposition won't cooperate. They came up with a "connect the
dots" strategy long ago, and have flooded America's airwaves with
the message that EVERYTHING which diminishes heterosexist bias
is "a step toward gay marriage." Of course, they're wrong - the
public isn't as gullible as their contributors, and is perfectly
capable of judging individual pieces of legislation on their own
merits. But WE'RE wrong, too, if we think the way to fight some
types of prejudice is to endorse others. The message "Oh, no,
I oppose gay marriage, but I do favor gays and lesbians having
certain other rights" can arguably be interpreted as "Yes, of
course 'those people' aren't our equals, and need to be treated
as second class citizens, but denying them a few less-controversial
rights is excessively discriminatory." Instead of making the homophobe
try to prove their case for ANY favoritism, the debate now descends
into the murky, bottomless pit of just what constitutes "excessive"
or "overly arbitrary" discrimination. Had early feminists insisted
that "Oh, no, we certainly don't think women should have equal
rights with men, or be able to vote, but we do think wives ought
to have the right to own property," there might still be a need
to attend "Votes for Women" rallies today. Instead, those pioneer
feminists began by immediately endorsing the goal of full equality
- knowing that most people would be shocked and offended - then
never wavered in their pursuit of that ideal. Beginning with the
least-popular and most far-reaching goal of suffrage, they consistently
forced chauvinists to try to prove a nonexistent case for male
privilege in ANY area. Even their most vehement opponents had
to admire the courage of their convictions and respect the power
of a flat refusal to compromise on the basic principle of absolute
equality. In the same way, those who despise homophobia as much
as sexism, and feel that neither one is acceptable in any way,
at any time, or for any reason, must say so without reservation,
and unflinchingly endorse every logical consequence of that belief.
Unlike the suffragists, we need not dedicate the next 72 years
of our lives to a ceaseless struggle to remove a key symbol of
inequality. But we do need to show the same kind of dedication
to principle and logical consistency if we are to win a similar
kind of victory over heterosexism by reforming its most blatant
symbol.
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D.M. Dismore AFeminist@aol.com
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